Normoyle-Normile in the World
including Normyle, Normoile, Normill, etc.
Mac Giolla Mhaoil,
anglicised to Normile or Normoyle
Being born in the 19th century proved to be very challenging to any family. Just finding work to provide for your family was itself very difficult for Irish immigrants. People died from all kinds of simple ailments and disease that today is fixed with a smear of bacitracin or a dose of antibiotics. E-coli was prevalent without proper food handling or refrigeration. Below are some links to how people lived and tried to survive.
Huddled Masses: Immigration and Urban America
George Waring, Sanitary Conditions in New York (1897)
Before 1895 the streets were almost universally in a filthy state. In wet weather they were covered with slime, and in dry weather the air was filled with dust. Artificial sprinkling in summer converted the dust into mud, and the drying winds changed the mud to powder. Rubbish of all kinds, garbage, and ashes lay neglected in the streets, and in the hot weather the city stank with the emanations of putrefying organic matter. It was not always possible to see the pavement, because of the dirt that covered it. One expert, a former contractor of street-cleaning, told me that West Broadway could not be cleaned, because it was so coated with grease from wagon-axles; it was really coated with slimy mud. The sewer inlets were clogged with refuse. Dirty paper was prevalent everywhere, and black rottenness was seen and smelled on every hand.
The practice of standing unharnessed trucks and wagons in the public streets was wellnigh universal in all except the main thoroughfares and the better residence districts. The Board of Health made an enumeration of vehicles so standing on Sunday, counting twenty-five thousand on a portion of one side of the city; they reached the conclusion that there were in all more than sixty thousand. These trucks not only restricted traffic and made complete street-cleaning practically impossible, but they were harbors of vice and crime. Thieves and highwaymen made them their dens, toughs caroused in them, both sexes resorted to them, and they were used for the vilest purposes, until they became, both figuratively and literally, a stench in the nostrils of the people. In the crowded districts they were a veritable nocturnal hell. Against all this the poor people were powerless to get relief. The highest city officials, after feeble attempts at removal, declared that New York was so peculiarly constructed (having no alleys through which the rear of the lots could be reached) that its commerce could not be carried on unless this privilege were given to its truckmen; in short, the removal of the trucks was "an impossibility" . . .
The condition of the streets, of the force, and of the stock was the fault of no man and of no set of men. It was the fault of the system. The department was throttled by partisan control-so throttled it could neither do good work, command its own respect and that of the public, nor maintain its material in good order. It was run as an adjunct of a political organization. In that capacity it was a marked success. It paid fat tribute; it fed thousands of voters, and it gave power and influence to hundreds of political leaders. It had this appointed function, and it performed it well. . . .
New York is now thoroughly clean in every part, the empty vehicles are gone. . . . "Clean streets" means much more than the casual observer is apt to think It has justly been said that "cleanliness is catching," and clean streets are leading to clean hallways and stair cases and cleaner living-rooms. . . .
Few realize the many minor ways in which the work of the department has benefited the people at large. For example, there is far less injury from dust to clothing, to furniture, and to goods in shops; mud is not tracked from the streets on to the sidewalks, and thence into the houses; boots require far less cleaning; the wearing of overshoes has been largely abandoned; wet feet and bedraggled skirts are mainly things of the past; and children now make free use of a playground of streets which were formerly impossible to them. "Scratches," a skin disease of horses due to mud and slush, used to entail very serious cost on truckmen and liverymen. It is now almost unknown. Horses used to "pick up a nail" with alarming frequency, and this caused great loss of service, and, like scratches made the bill of the veterinary surgeon a serious matter. There are practically no nails now to be found in the streets.
The great, the almost inestimable, beneficial effect of the work of the department is showing the large reduction of the death-rate and in the less keenly realized but still more important reduction in the sick-rate. As compared with the average death-rate of 26.78 of 1882-94, that of 1895 was 23.10, that of 1896 was 21.52, and that of the first half of 1897 was 19.63. If this latter figure is maintained throughout the year, there will have been fifteen thousand fewer deaths than there would have been had the average rate of the thirteen previous years prevailed. The report of the Board of Health for 1896, basing its calculations on diarrheal diseases July, August, and September, in the filthiest wards, in the most crowded wards, and in the remainder of the city, shows a very marked reduction in all, and the largest reduction in the first two classes.
From George W. Waring, Jr., Street Cleaning (New York: Doubleday and McClure, 1897), 13-31.
Irish In New York
Throughout most of the nineteenth century and into the 1990s the Irish-born population in New York City was larger than that of any other city in the United States. Although as a proportion of the city's entire population the Irish community during this period steadily declined, Irish ethnicity remained important among the children of immigrants and sometimes in later generations, and its persistence had ramifications for the political and economic well-being of Ireland. The city became the headquarters for organizations devoted to the promotion of Irish nationalism, both political and cultural. Public expressions of Irish ethnicity, including the St. Patrick's Day Parade, had wider significance; the image of the Irish developed in New York City, the capital of American journalism and popular culture, was the one disseminated throughout the country. At the same time a virtually uninterrupted flow of emigrants from Ireland to New York City since the seventeenth century meant that Irish-American identity was continuously evolving.
Colonial and Early Federal Periods
The Irish population in colonial New York was small until the 1720s, when trade with Ireland became more regular. From mid century there was a substantial volume of American commerce in flaxseed carried on between New York City and several Irish ports; emigrants balanced the trade on the westward voyage. This led to an increase in the number of Irish merchants and skilled indentured servants as well as soldiers in the city. Some Irish were also transported as convicts. Until the nineteenth century the Irish in the city were culturally and religiously diverse, including Anglicans, Presbyterians, Quakers, Huguenots, and Methodists, who spoke English. Most but not all were from the northern part of Ireland. New York City enforced a rigid penal code against Catholics until 1784, providing for disfranchisement of "papists" and imprisonment or death for "priests and Jesuits." Only a small number of Gaelic-speaking Irish Catholics settled in the city, mainly soldiers and servants. Most concealed their religion or affiliated with established churches until they were granted freedom of worship. Nevertheless an annual parade in honor of the patron saint of Ireland, Patrick, dates to as early as 1766.
After the evacuation of the British the number of Irish arriving in New York City rose, with noticeably more Catholic, unskilled workers. Immigration was particularly heavy in the years following the Napoleonic Wars (there were twelve thousand Irish in the city in 1816) and again during the 1830s, when about 200,000 Irish arrived at the Port of New York. The Catholic church grew at a corresponding pace.
The repeal of the Alien and Sedition Acts cleared the way for the emigration of Irish political exiles of the rebellion of 1798. Among those who played influential roles in the life of the city were Thomas Addis Emmet, attorney general of New York State; William James MacNeven, a physician who also lectured on medicine and chemistry; Thomas O'Conor, who launched the first American newspaper for Irish and Catholic interests, the Shamrock; or, Hibernian Chronicle (1810); and William Sampson, a brilliant jurist who argued the first American cases on behalf of strikers and the free exercise of religion. The city's acceptance of growing numbers of Irish immigrants was eased by these men and by the socially and politically prominent Irish merchants.
Charitable efforts to alleviate the problems that accompanied mass immigration were undertaken by Irish organizations such as the Society of the Friendly Sons of St. Patrick (1784), which was nondenominational, and the Irish Emigrant Society of New York (1841-1936). These groups helped Irish men and women to find work, protected them against swindlers, and protested conditions on board ships.
The Irish supported the concept of Catholic schools, partly to ensure ethnic survival and partly because they were sensitive to the anti-Catholic bias stemming from Protestant influence on the city's Public School Society. Archbishop Hughes led Catholic efforts to obtain state funds for private schools between 1839 and 1842. The rejection of these requests and the poverty of the church meant that parochial schools could educate only about 50 percent of Catholic immigrant children as early as 1840, and only 19 percent in 1870. The Irish in New York City also sent their children to the new ward schools after the reform of the public school system. Because these schools were locally run, the Irish often made up most of the teaching staff and pupils.
Although not all Irish who arrived before the famine practiced their faith, the Irish in New York City came to dominate not only the church's laity but also its clergy. From 1825 the leading Irish newspaper in the city was the Catholic Truth Teller. The public began to associate Irish nationality and Catholicism even though Protestant Irish emigrants continued to settle in the city. Continued ties with Ireland were often seen by outsiders as alien or even insular. At intervals during the nineteenth century, nativist swings in popular opinion led to acts against the city's Irish that ranged from discrimination in hiring (typified by the frequently posted sign "No Irish Need Apply") to attacks by mobs on Catholic property. In response to incidents of religious persecution such as the burning of St. Mary's Church on Grand Street in 1831, the Ancient Order of Hibernians was chartered in May 1836 at a meeting in the parish of St. James on the Lower East Side. An Irish Catholic fraternal organization, the order had as its initial purpose the protection of the Mass, the priest, and the church.
In addition to nativist incidents there were periodic confrontations between Catholic and Protestant Irish, usually termed Orange-Green or ORANGE RIOTS. These riots stemmed not from simple religious animosities but from complex political and cultural attitudes. The earliest account is of an attack by the Irish Catholics of Greenwich Village, which took place when Protestants marched through their neighborhood on 12 July 1824 to commemorate the Protestant victory at the Battle of the Boyne (1690). Although no one was killed more than one hundred Catholic Irishmen were arrested, charged with rioting, and imprisoned. In September they were successfully defended by their fellow countryman Emmet, a Protestant.
The Period of Increased Immigration
The Irish settled almost everywhere in nineteenth-century New York City, and their residential choices were less ethnic than economic. Many newly arrived Irish immigrants, particularly those who fled repeated famines in Ireland after 1845, lived in the crowded and cheap tenements of the fourth and sixth wards, with blacks and Chinese as their neighbors. Most Irish households took in boarders and needed the wages of their children to make ends meet. Those who could move to better quarters did so as soon as they were able; others succumbed by the thousands to the ill effects of long-term poverty, such as crime, insanity, domestic violence, prostitution, and alcoholism, reducing the areas in which they lived to some of the city's worst slums. As early as 1855 the Irish made up a quarter to a half of the total population in sixteen of the city's twenty-two wards, and more than one quarter of the population in both Manhattan and Brooklyn had been born in Ireland.
The construction of bridges and railroads to connect Manhattan to what later became the city's other boroughs, and the demand for domestic servants, caused the Irish to scatter throughout Manhattan, Brooklyn, and what is now the Bronx to live near their work. The Crimmins Construction Company had contracts for both the Croton Aqueduct and the High Bridge, for which it employed as many as twelve thousand Irish laborers. By 1855 about 86 percent of the city's laborers and 74 percent of its domestic servants were Irish born. Irish women were also well represented among the city's laundresses and nurses, and more than half the city's blacksmiths, weavers, masons, bricklayers, plasterers, stonecutters, and polishers were Irish-born men. At mid century more than eleven thousand Irish men and women were skilled artisans in the city's expanding clothing industry, working as dressmakers, seamstresses, furriers, hatters, shoemakers, and tailors. Many were employed by successful Irish entrepreneurs like Daniel Devlin, Charles Knox, Hugh O'Neill, and A. T. Stewart. Small businesses such as carting concerns, groceries, and saloons created an Irish middle class as early as the 1850s.
As the nation's principal port of entry, New York City was becoming the most Irish city in the United States. The city's growing Irish population provided not only a large audience for the city's minstrel shows, vaudeville, and theater but also a tempting subject and a supply of performers on stage. One of the most famous blackface minstrel troupes was the Bryant Brothers (Dan, Neil, and Jerry O'Brien), who introduced "Dixie" to New York City and the United States in 1859. Vaudeville hailed Tyrone Power and Barney Williams, but their portrayals of "stage Irishmen" (loquacious, devil-may-care buffoons) were increasingly resented by both Irish and Irish-Americans. A series of plays by Edward Harrigan and Tony Hart about the fictional Mulligan Guard was the first realistic attempt to portray the Irish in New York City.
Irish nationalism thrived in New York City, which became the headquarters for American support of Irish political causes (see Irish republicanism). Important speaking tours, fund raising, newspaper publishing, military action, and even rescues were all coordinated in the city, often in spite of opposition from the Catholic hierarchy. In the 1820s and 1840s various groups such as the Friends of Ireland rallied support for Daniel O'Connell's movements in Ireland to emancipate Catholics and repeal the Act of Union. More than $40,000 in cash was collected in 1848 to support a revolution in Ireland, and in 1854 the Emmet Monument Association relied on Irish militia regiments in the city as the base of its secret revolutionary activities. In 1876 the Clan na Gael successfully orchestrated the rescue of six Fenian prisoners who had been transported to Fremantle, Australia, and landed them in New York Harbor in August, to the chagrin of the British. Newspapers in the city such as the Irish Citizen, the Gaelic American, and the United Irishman were edited by exiled Irish political leaders. In an alternative form of Irish nationalism, the Orange Order revived the tradition of marching on 12 July, leading to serious disturbances in 1870 and 1871 that resulted in deaths and injuries. Irish nationalism in New York City also took other forms. Patrick Ford, who organized the American branch of the Irish Land League, raised more than $300,000 in 1881 for its land reform campaign through his Irish World. The arts, especially the cultivation of the Irish language and the study of Irish literature, history, and music, were the focus of the monthly magazine the Gael, published in New York City from 1881 to 1904. From the 1870s cultural activities were pursued by Philo-Celtic and Gaelic societies in Manhattan, Brooklyn, and Yonkers, New York. One of the most visible annual activities of the New York Gaelic Society was its Feis Ceoil agus Seanachas, a festival of music, dance, and song that attracted thousands.
New York City was filled with Irish social, benevolent, military, and religious organizations. Among their favored meeting places were Hibernian Hall and Montgomery Hall, both on Prince Street, which were also the headquarters for several Irish volunteer militia companies, for the 69th Regiment (the Irish Brigade that served with distinction during the Civil War), and for the Convention of Irish Societies, the first coordinating organization for the St. Patrick's Day Parade. One of the most enduring forms of organization was the county society, based on place of origin in Ireland, the earliest known in New York City being the Sligo Young Men's Association (1849). The county societies initially operated as benevolent associations, providing disability and death benefits to members, as well as fostering social and employment networks. Some small counties, like Longford and Westmeath, sent surprisingly large numbers of emigrants to New York City. There were Irish literary and debating clubs in the city from about 1834; the Sadlier brothers began publishing Catholic books in 1837 and from the 1850s catered to Irish audiences with novels like The Blakes and the Flanagans. About forty Irish and Irish-Americans founded the New York Catholic Library Association in 1856, and in 1860 a branch of the Ossianic Society of Dublin opened in New York City to promote the translation and publication of manuscripts in the Irish language.
In politics the Irish in New York City were influenced by anti-alien, anti-Irish, and anti-Catholic party platforms. They were Jeffersonian Republicans because the party was pro-French (anti-British) and repealed restrictive naturalization laws. Irish immigrants were courted by politicians associated with Tammany Hall once suffrage was extended in 1827, and soon men like the labor radical Mike Walsh aspired to political careers. As early as 1844 an estimated 90 percent of enfranchised Irish Catholics in New York City voted Democratic. Their vehement opposition to the Republican implementation of the federal draft in 1863 escalated into a full-scale race riot. But the Irish did not come to dominate Tammany Hall until the 1870s, when Honest John Kelly took over as its leader after the Tweed Ring was exposed by Charles O'Conor. Then a succession of Irish bosses made the local Democratic organization into perhaps the foremost urban political machine in the United States. Despite a reputation for corruption, Tammany Hall was popular with the Irish for very basic reasons. Big Tim Sullivan's career was built through a political club that offered localized social welfare and organized entertainments in exchange for the loyalty of voters in his district on the Lower East Side.
Tammany Hall was behind the election in 1880 of the city's first Irish Catholic mayor, the businessman William R. Grace, and prepared men such as Alfred E. Smith, James A. Farley, and Robert F. Wagner (i) for state and national politics. By 1900, when 22 percent of the city was still Irish by birth or descent, the membership of the �lite Friendly Sons of St. Patrick was dominated by men connected with Tammany Hall. As candidates backed by the organization occupied municipal offices and immigrants continued to pour into New York City, the Irish benefited the most from employment on public works projects and made important inroads into the civil service (notably the police and fire departments, the post office, the courts, and the transit system). Aside from political influence, this hegemony was due to a literacy rate of 95 percent among Irish immigrants and to Irish-American educational levels that were reaching parity with the national average by the turn of the century. In 1908 about 21 percent of schoolteachers in New York City were the daughters of Irish immigrants.
As American popular entertainment evolved from stage shows to motion pictures, the image of the Irish being manufactured in New York City was transformed. Although plots remained essentially the same regardless of the medium, Irish characteristics as depicted by Dion Boucicault and Chauncey Olcott changed between 1870 and 1920. Irish heroes lost any embarrassing vices, and their once fiery nationalism was softened into a sentimental longing for freedom. After 1900 the concerted efforts of the Ancient Order of Hibernians against the stage Irishman generally succeeded in improving the image of the Irish. In 1911 there were even protests against a local production by the Abbey Theatre of Synge's The Playboy of the Western World for its alleged slander of the Irish character. At the same time the growing affluence of the city's Irish-American community provided a ready market for the producers of light Broadway musicals and for the sheet music of Tin Pan Alley composers like Ernest R. Ball. Many of the songs written in this genre were full of social and historical inaccuracies about the Irish; nevertheless some transcended their origins on Broadway to achieve immense popularity on the Irish cabaret and ballroom circuit, notably "Mother Machree" (1910), "When Irish Eyes Are Smiling" (1912), "Too-Ra-Loo-Ra-Loo-Ral (That's An Irish Lullaby)" (1914), and "Little Bit of Heaven, Sure They Call It Ireland" (1914). The Irish in New York City were also prominently associated with sports like baseball, boxing, and horse racing.
With the growth of an Irish middle and upper class in the city, the maturing of the Catholic church was reflected in the dedication (1879) and consecration (1910) of St. Patrick's Cathedral at 5th Avenue and 50th Street. Wealthy Irish-Americans were important supporters of Catholic social welfare organizations, such as the Mission of the Immaculate Virgin (1881), which aided homeless Irish newsboys, and the Mission of Our Lady of the Rosary for the Protection of Irish Immigrant Girls (1883), which was affiliated with Castle Garden. By the beginning of the twentieth century such efforts were coordinated by the Archdiocese of New York under the auspices of Catholic Charities. The Friendly Sons of St. Patrick, the Catholic Club (1871), and the American Irish Historical Society (1896) attracted prominent and professional men such as lawyers, judges, doctors, journalists, and businessmen. The close partnership of such Irish and Catholic networks enabled many of these men to influence municipal politics and business; 10 percent of white-collar occupations in the city were held by the Irish in 1900. The clergy and religious of the city's Catholic church were dominated by Irish men and women, both immigrant and second-generation, who served in parishes but also as teachers, social workers, and administrators. Controversial priests in the diocese were censured from Rome: Edward McGlynn for his support of the radical politician Henry George, and Francis P. Duffy for publishing the New York Review, an intellectual journal that sought a modernist revision of Church philosophy and theology.
The docks, railroad yards, and factories of Chelsea and Hell's Kitchen provided steady employment for generations of working-class Irish-Americans, but in general Irish settlements proceeded uptown on both the East and West sides of Manhattan. With the extension of elevated railroad tracks north to Harlem in 1880, the Irish penetrated the Upper East Side, where they became the second dominant element after the Germans until about 1910; then better housing in Washington Heights and Inwood attracted Irish immigrants and their children. The nearness of Brooklyn encouraged many Irish to settle there, especially around the Navy Yard, in Greenpoint and Williamsburg, and after 1890 in the ninth ward near Prospect Park, and in Flatbush, Sunset Park, and Bay Ridge. Irish settlements in Queens on the eve of the First World War included Long Island City, Astoria, Woodside, Sunnyside, and Rockaway Beach; in the Bronx Irish parishes were common in Mott Haven, Melrose, Morrisania, Highbridge, Fordham, and Kingsbridge.
New York City was the place of residence of more than 275,000 natives of Ireland in 1890 and of 203,000 in 1920. As transatlantic travel became easier, increasing ties between Ireland and New York City allowed the growth of a social network based on Irish customs and cultural activities. John Quinn, a lawyer in the city, was the liaison for Irish writers, artists, and statesmen touring the United States, such as William Butler Yeats. The county societies banded together in 1904 under the rubric of the United Irish Counties Association to coordinate their events. From 1897 to 1914 the Irish American Athletic Club operated Celtic Park at 43rd Street in Woodside, and members competed in track and field events across the country and abroad. Gaelic sports, particularly football and hurling, became a dominant expression of cultural nationalism after the formation of the Gaelic Athletic Association of New York in 1914.
Robert Ernst: Immigrant Life in New York City, 1825-1863 (New York: King's Crown, 1949; rev. Port Washington, N.Y.: Ira J. Friedman, 1965)
Jay P. Dolan: The Immigrant Church: New York's Irish and German Catholics, 1815-1865 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975)
Ronald H. Bayor: Neighbors in Conflict: The Irish, Germans, Jews, and Italians of New York City (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978)
Joshua B. Freeman: "Catholics, Communists and Republicans: Irish Workers and the Organization of the Transport Workers Union," Working-class America: Essays on Labor, Community, and American Society, ed. Michael H. Frisch and Daniel J. Walkowitz (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983)
Michael F. Funchion: Irish American Voluntary Organizations (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1983)
Dennis J. Clark: Hibernia America: The Irish and Regional Cultures (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1986)
Steven P. Erie: Rainbow's End: Irish-Americans and the Dilemmas of Urban Machine Politics, 1840-1985 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988)
Ronald H. Bayor and Timothy J. Meagher, eds.: The New York Irish: Essays toward a History (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, forthcoming)
-Marion R. Casey
Irish Immigrant Families in Mid-Late 19th Century America
by
Mary Baba
In the history classes I teach to hearing-impaired high school students, there is a section on immigration to America during the 19th century. While teaching the subject, I found that it was difficult for my students to develop a thorough understanding of this period of American history. There are so many different ethnic groups, countries and reasons for immigration to America that the students were not able to appreciate the great sacrifices and struggles of these people to achieve better lives for themselves and their children. The students had a hard time identifying with the immigrants and seeing the realities of immigrant life.
By focusing on one specific ethnic group, the Irish, I hope to narrow their focus. I want to use the Irish immigrants’ experiences to illustrate the experiences of immigrants and their families in 19th century America. By doing so, I hope the students will come to see these people as individuals who were willing to endure hardships to improve their lives.
My objectives for this unit are:
1. to develop a general idea of why immigrants came to the United States
2. to know the reasons why the Irish immigrants came to America
3. to gain an understanding of the difficulties endured on the journey to America
4. to gain an understanding of the process of being admitted to the United States
5. to become aware of living conditions in the urban areas where the Irish immigrants settled
6. to learn about the types of jobs available
7. to become aware of discrimination from “native” Americans and its effects
8. to understand how ethnic groups different from their own have had to undergo experiences of suffering and discrimination
9. to gain an appreciation of Irish culture
The strategies in the unit will give the students opportunities to read, write, improve vocabulary and develop critical thinking skills. There will also be hands-on activities which will involve the students and stimulate their interest.
The strategies will include:
1. Viewing of videos and films for information and discussion
2. Use of photographs and drawings for visual images to stimulate discussions and/or writing assignments
3. Excerpts from letters and passages written by Irish immigrants
4. Readings and discussions of Irish songs, ballads, myths, and legends
5. Writing journals as Irish immigrants moving to America and establishing lives here
6. Role-playing
7. Irish cooking
I plan on teaching this unit for six weeks. However, depending on the class discussions and interests and the amount of material covered, this time frame may be extended.
I feel this curriculum would be most appropriately used with upper middle school students and high school students. The curriculum could be incorporated into an American history course or stand alone as a separate unit.
Objective 1: Immigration to the United States
Between 1824-1924, 34 million Europeans immigrated to the United States.1 A primary reason was the Industrial Revolution. To begin this unit, we will see how farmlands in Europe were being reduced and farmers, craftsmen and laborers were living in poverty. These European people believed that the United States was truly a land of opportunity and were willing to change their whole way of life to take advantage of the opportunities.
Another reason was political. For example, many Jews were subjected to discrimination and cruel treatment in their homelands. The 1848 revolution in Germany caused many political refugees to seek a new country. Therefore, many oppressed people felt the United States to be a sanctuary for them. Here was a country where rights were actually guaranteed to all people by the Constitution and the Bill of Rights. In this country, they believed they would have opportunities for education and be free to practice their religion and own property. It is no wonder, then, that millions of Europeans came to the United States believing that they would have better lives than the ones they left behind.
To go along with this overview, I plan to show a video, “The Immigrant Experience.” (This video is closed-captioned for the hearing-impaired, which will allow my students to read the dialogue). This shows the experiences of a “typical” immigrant family coming to the United States. It depicts the family on the ship as well as arriving and settling here. The video deals with the living and working conditions of the family and shows the desire of the young son to improve his language and education and become “Americanized.” Some vocabulary words (such as “greenhorn”, “foreigner”, and “piecework”) are introduced which will help the students further in the unit. This video should pique the students’ interests and desires to learn more about immigrants’ lives.
Objective 2: Why the Irish Immigrants Left Ireland
After learning about a few major reasons why immigrants from many countries came to the United States, we will focus specifically on the Irish experience. We will talk about the land system of Ireland in the 18th and 19th centuries, where farmers were forced to rent the land they lived and worked on from wealthy landowners in England. The crop they depended on primarily for food and rent was potatoes. In 1845, a fungus hit the potato fields and a devastating famine ensued. This famine killed 2.5 million people and was quickly followed by three more crop failures in 1846, 1848 and 1851.2 Potatoes rotted in the fields, people were forced from their homes and many starved. This Potato Famine caused a mass exodus of Irish citizens. Between 1846-1851, more than one million Irish immigrants came to America, and another 873,000 arrived between 1860-1880. (W., pp. 39-40) Most of these people were poor, undernourished and feeling defeated by life.
To help the students see the effects of the Potato Famine, we will use the photographs and drawings in the book, The Irish World, which show people being evicted from their homes. By looking at the photographs, we can discuss what the feelings of the people must have been. We will also read and discuss some excerpts from Irish Songs and Ballads while discussing the Potato Famine. These were written by Irish people during this time period and show their sadness, despair and fear.
Also at this time, the students will begin writing a journal. They will imagine themselves as living in Ireland at the time of the Potato Famine. Each student can decide if he/she is part of a family or on his/her own. However, the students will decide how the Potato Famine affects them and discuss their feelings as they prepare to leave Ireland.
Objective 3: Journey to America
The decision to leave Ireland was only the beginning of a long and difficult journey. Once aboard the ship that would bring them to America (a 2-3 month trip), the emigrating Irish found almost intolerable conditions. The steerage compartments were about five feet high with two tiers of beds. Men, women and children (sometimes as many as 900 people) were crowded together with room only for themselves and their belongings rolled up next to them. A narrow cot was provided for each person but often it was not even wide enough to turn over. Beds and bedding were not aired out or washed until the day before arrival and inspection by government officials. The only air and light available was through a hatchway, which was closed during stormy or rough weather. The air became increasingly filthy and foul as the journey progressed. Food was often insufficient and not cooked properly. Grain, hardened and served as a lump, was common. Clean water was also insufficient for the needs of the steerage passengers. Toilets were inadequate for the number of people aboard, and stench permeated the air.
During this section of the unit, we will again examine photographs, drawings and written descriptions of the passage in steerage. The Irish Americans, Ellis Island, and Gateway to Liberty will provide material. After discussions and readings, the students will again write in their journals. They will tell about how it was for them to leave Ireland. What did they bring with them? Who came with them and who did they leave behind? What are their hopes as they board the ship? What are they looking for in America? They can then describe their journeys, including the conditions on the ship and their feelings upon their first sight of America.
Objective 4: Admittance to the United States
Before 1847, immigrants arriving in the United States were faced with chaos. There was no official reception area and boarding house runners, peddlers and tavern keepers boarded the ships to make direct deals with the newly arriving immigrants. Once the immigrants got to the dock, the situation deteriorated further. They were sold tickets to the wrong destinations, cheated while changing money and talked into paying money for rundown boarding houses. Therefore, in 1855, Castle Garden Receiving Station was opened to regulate the processing of incoming passengers.
In 1887, however, charges of corruption within the administration of Castle Garden led to an investigation of abuses. The investigative committee subsequently recommended that immigration regulation be turned over to the federal government. Ellis Island was selected as the new site and was opened in January, 1892. Immigrants were now taken to Ellis Island for processing. However, since Ellis Island could handle only about 5,000 people a day, it was not uncommon for another 10,000-15,000 to wait on ships for two days just to get there.3
Once on Ellis Island, the immigrants went through medical examinations. If the doctors saw anything indicating a possible contagious disease or something that would cause the immigrant to become a public charge (such as a mental or physical handicap) the immigrant’s shoulder was marked with chalk for a further examination. Naturally, most immigrants did not understand what was happening and often had to wait days for a family member to have a further examination. If a person failed the medical examinations, he/she was subject to deportation.
After medical examinations, they had to answer a series of questions including their ability to read and write, their final destinations in the United States, how much money they had and if they were joining relatives in the United States. About 20 percent of immigrants were held over for further questioning (where they could not have a lawyer or communicate with family and friends). It took up to two weeks for these cases to be decided. During this time, the immigrants were housed in crowded buildings but were fed and given medical care. (B., p. 90)
In this section of the unit, we will look at the photographs in Ellis Island, which give excellent images of different steps in the admissions process. There are also several first hand accounts written by the immigrants which we will read. The students will also write their own descriptions in their journals.
This section would also lend itself to role-playing. The students could take roles as immigrants, doctors and questioners. Some students could be admitted to the country while their family members are detained for further examinations. Others could be held for further questioning and not be allowed to contact their families. Still others could be told that they had failed the examinations and had to return to Ireland immediately. This role-playing situation should help the students feel the confusion, frustration and fear the immigrants faced.
Objective 5: Living Conditions
Once they arrived in the United States, the majority of Irish immigrants remained in the port cities where they landed. Often, they were sick and weak from lack of food and the rigors of the journey. Most had little money and had no other option than to remain in the seaports. Others mistrusted farming since the land had caused so many problems in Ireland and did not want to move to less populated farm areas. With so many newly arriving immigrants crowded together, there were limited job opportunities and terrible living conditions.
People were crowded into rooms with often a whole family living in one room. In 1850, it was reported that in the Irish Fifth Ward in Providence, an average of nine people or 1.82 families lived in one or two rooms.4 The Five Points slum area in Manhattan was described by a witness as having 75 people living in 12 rooms and paying about $4 a month for rent. At this time, this was equivalent to about one week’s pay. In the back of the building were wooden hovels which rented for $3 a month. (W., pp. 65-66) Many tenements did not have indoor plumbing or running water. Sewage collected in outhouses and rats were prevalent, carrying and spreading disease, often to children. In 1857, 2/3 of New York City’s deaths were children under age 5, mostly Irish. (W., p. 67) There were also epidemics of typhoid, cholera, tuberculosis and pneumonia throughout East Coast cities.
We will explore these living conditions especially through the photographs of Jacob Riis. His book, How the Other Half Lives, includes very moving and descriptive photographs of the slums, tenements, families and children. A video, “Immigrants and Missionaries,” which examines the life and work of Jacob Riis, is also available for additional information on living conditions. This will help the students gain an understanding of the existing conditions as well as give them information about this remarkable man.
During this section, the students will add to their journals by describing their living conditions. They can tell about where they are living, including how many rooms they have and how many people share their housing with them. They can tell about what they see and hear around them and the problems they are faced with.
Objective 6: Types of Jobs Available
When the newly arriving Irish immigrants looked for work, they found only the lowest unskilled jobs available to them. Men were hired for low-paying, physically demanding and dangerous work. Wages for unskilled jobs during the 1840s were under 75 cents a day for 10-12 hours of work. (W., p. 43) The men built canals, railroads, streets, houses and sewer systems. Many others worked on the docks or canals.
Irish women, like Irish men, also had low-paying unskilled jobs. There were two main types of work available for Irish women—domestic servants or factory work. Domestic work was secure and dependable and was not seasonable. However, the work was tiring and strenuous. It was not unusual for one maid to cook, clean and care for children 16 hours a day or more.
Women who worked in factories found the work to be dirty, low-paying and dangerous. In Boston, New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore in 1833, Irish women who worked making cotton shirts were on a piecework system. They were paid between 6-10 cents a shirt and worked about 13-14 hours a day. Since they could only make nine shirts a week, the maximum pay was about 90 cents a week.5
An appropriate book for students to read to understand the working conditions would be Michael’s Victory. This is the story of an Irish boy in the 1850s working on the railroads. From the woman’s point of view, the students could be assigned Philadelphia Greenhorn. This is written by Ann McNab, an Irish woman who came to America in the 1860s and gives a good first-hand account of her work as a domestic servant.
At this time, the students should choose a job and describe it in their journals. They should tell where they are working, how many hours a day they work and how much money they make. They can talk about how many people the wages must support and/or how many people in the family must work to make ends meet.
The students could also be encouraged to make a budget. They could see how much money each family member earns and compare the income to the cost of housing, food, etc. If they did not have enough money, perhaps they could think of alternative ways to increase their income, such as having to take in piecework at night. This will also help them to realize how it was necessary for every family member to work in order to maintain their lives and try to improve them.
Objectives 6 & 7: Discrimination
There was very deep prejudice against Irish-Americans during the 19th century, especially as more immigrants came into the United States. Many Americans considered the Irish as dirty, stupid and lazy. Newspaper cartoonists often contributed to this image by drawing Irishmen as looking like apes with a jutting jaw and sloping forehead. Newspapers also wrote about Irish people using the derogatory term of “Paddy.”
Americans also blamed the Irish immigrants for causing economic problems. They felt that the great numbers of Irish workers would put Americans out of work or lower wages. Americans felt that the increased number of people would mean taxes would rise due to additional needs for police, fire, health, sanitation, schools and poorhouses.
Consequently, it became acceptable to discriminate against the Irish. Many job posters and newspaper ads ended with “No Irish Need Apply.” Hotels and restaurants may have had signs stating “No Irish Permitted in this Establishment.” In 1851-1852, railroad contractors in New York advertised for workers and promised good pay. When mostly Irish applied, the pay was lowered to fifty-five cents a day. When the workers protested, the militia was called in to force the men to accept. (M., p. 322)
The Irish reacted to the conditions they were faced with in different ways. Many changed their accents, names and even religion to escape discrimination. Others turned to alcohol and crime. Still others turned to the Catholic Church. Since many of the priests and nuns were Irish, it provided a connection to home. It also helped the immigrants feel safe from prejudice and helped them learn American customs.
In this section of the unit, the teacher can help the students to understand that ethnic groups other than their own were affected by prejudice and discrimination. This can be done by looking at cartoons about Irish-Americans and also looking at the posters and ads forbidding the Irish to either apply for jobs or enter an establishment. The students can then look at posters and signs of “Whites only” hotels, movies, restaurants, etc. before and during the Civil Rights movement. A Pictorial History of the Negro In America has several of these photographs. The students can also look at how black people were portrayed in editorial cartoons and written about in newspapers.
In addition, the students can discuss attitudes and stereotypes native Americans had toward Irish-Americans and compare these to the attitudes and stereotypes of many white people toward black people. The types of education and employment available to both groups could be examined and violence against both groups could also be explored.
Role-playing could also be utilized in this section of the unit. The students could apply for jobs and be met with discrimination. This would allow opportunities to demonstrate how different people react to discrimination (anger, violence, depression, perseverance, etc.). It would also be a good opportunity to lead to discussions about the existence and results of discrimination in the past as well as in the present.
Also at this time, the students should write their feelings about the discrimination in their journals. Then, since they are now settled in America, they should write letters to their friends and families back in Ireland. They can tell them about their journey to America, their arrival here and where they are living and working. They can also state if they were faced with discrimination and how they reacted to it and dealt with it. Finally, they can tell if life in America is what they expected it to be when they left Ireland and if they are satisfied with their decisions to come here.
Objective 8: Irish Culture
Numerous activities should be incorporated throughout this unit to help the students gain an understanding of the Irish as an ethnic group. It would be up to each teacher to choose which activities to use and when to use them. There can be discussions of what an ethnic group consists of and the students can look at ways in which the Irish have retained their identity and ways in which they have been assimilated into the mainstream of America.
The students can read folktales from Irish Folk Tales to give them an idea of Irish myths and legends. Also, Irish American Almanac and Green Pages gives information on Irish proverbs, superstitions, words, and symbols. It also provides short biographies of 100 Notable Irish-Americans from the past and present. Depending on the class make up and the time frame of the unit, the teacher may wish to assign research projects, papers, or oral reports on one or more of these people.
There are also many films available about the Irish and Irish-Americans. The Fighting 69th, which is about an Irish-American unit during World War I and A Tree Grows in Brooklyn about a young girl growing up in Brooklyn at the turn of the century may be useful to learn about Irish-Americans.
The teacher can also encourage the students to attend the Connecticut Irish Festival. This is held in early July at the Yale Field and has traditional folk dancing and singing as well as cultural and historical exhibits.
The students could also write to Irish-American organizations to receive information on the Irish in America. Several of these organizations exist, especially in the New York area. Addresses of many of the organizations are given in Irish American Almanac and Green Pages.
The students can also share a meal of Irish food, perhaps at the end of the unit. Cooking Irish Style Today contains many recipes for Irish dishes. The students could each decide on a recipe, prepare the food and bring it to class. Or, the class could decide on some recipes to prepare as a group during classtime.
Notes
1. Mary J. Shapiro, Gateway to Liberty (New York: Random House, 1986), p. 69.
2. J. F. Watts, The Irish Americans (New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1988), pp. 23-24. All subsequent references to this book are cited in the text and will appear with the letter “W.”
3. Barbara Benton, Ellis Island (New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1985), p. 62. All subsequent references to this book are cited in the text and will appear with the letter “B.”
4. Kerby A. Miller, Emigrants and Exiles (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 319. All subsequent references to this book are cited in the text and will appear with the letter “M.”
5. Mathew Carey, “appeal to the Wealthy of the Land” in William D. Griffin, Editor, The Irish In America—550-1972 (New York: Oceana Publications, Inc., 1973), p. 46.
Bibliography for Teachers
Benton, Barbara. Ellis Island. New York: Facts on File, Inc., 1985.
This book presents the history and construction of Ellis Island. It also gives accounts of the immigrants who passed through the admittance process there. It has excellent photographs and drawings of Castle Garden and Ellis Island.
Blumenthal, Shirley and Ozer, Jerome S. Coming to America—Immigrants from the British Isles. New York: Delacourte Press, 1980.
Describes why the Irish immigrants left Ireland and came to America. It contains photographs and drawings of Irish people in America. There is also a chapter on anti-Irish feeling and discrimination in employment and housing.
Carey, Mathew, “Appeal to the Wealthy of the Land,” in Griffin, William D., Editor, The Irish in America 550-1972. Dobbs Ferry, New York: Oceana Publications, Inc., 1973.
This article talks about working conditions and wages of Irish employees in the 19th century.
Cooper, Brian E., Editor. Irish American Almanac and Green Pages. New York: Perennial Library, 1989.
This book contains extensive information on Irish organizations, festivals, and publications. It also gives short biographies of 100 Notable Irish-Americans from the past and present.
Glassie, Henry, Editor. Irish Folk Tales. New York: Pantheon Books, 1985.
A selection of Irish folk tales from different areas of Ireland. These were written from ancient times through the present.
Gutman, Herbert G. Who Built America. New York: Pantheon Books, 1989.
Gives information on immigrants who came to America. It also includes letters written by immigrants and has descriptions of working conditions.
Hughes, Langston and Meltzer, Milton. A Pictorial History of the Negro in America. New York: Crown Publishers, 1968.
This book has many illustrations, photographs, and written material which would be useful for comparisons when talking about discrimination.
Kinney, Noreen. Cooking Irish Style Today. Dublin: The Mercier Press, 1977.
Includes many different recipes for Irish dishes.
Miller, Kerby A. Emigrants and Exiles. New York: Oxford University Press, 1985.
This book talks about the reasons for Irish immigration. It also shows the impact immigration had on Ireland and the United States. Contains many letters, journals and diaries written by immigrants.
Nolan, Janet A. Ourselves Alone. Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky, 1989.
Tells of women’s emigration from Ireland between 1885-1920.
O’Tuathaigh, Gearoid O. “The Distressed Society” in DeBreffny, Brian, Editor, The Irish World. London: Thames and Hudson, Ltd., 1977.
This chapter describes the Potato Famine in Ireland. It has pictures and drawings of families being evicted from their homes after the famine.
Riis, Jacob A. How the Other Half Lives. New York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1971.
Excellent descriptions and photographs of slums, tenements and living conditions of immigrants in New York.
Taylor, Philip. The Distant Magnet. New York: Harper & Row, 1971.
Discusses why immigrants chose to come to America.
Shannon, William V. “The Irish in America” in DeBreffney, Brian, Editor, The Irish World. London: Thames and Hudson, Ltd., 1977.
This chapter has photographs of living and working conditions of Irish immigrants. It also discusses life in America.
Wright, Robert L., Editor. Irish Emigrant Ballads and Songs. Bowling Green University: Popular Press, 1975.
Irish ballads and songs written by Irish immigrants while leaving Ireland, journeying to America and living in America.
Videos:
The Immigrant Experience. Learning Company of America. This is the story of an immigrant family coming to America and settling here.
Immigration In America’s History. Coronet/MTI Film and Video. This video reenacts the major waves of immigration to the United States.
Immigrants and Missionaries. Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith. Discusses the work of Jacob Riis.
Bibliography for Students
Branson, Karen. Streets of Gold. Toronto: General Publishing Co., Limited, 1981.
The fictional story of a 14-year-old Irish girl who came to America with her family in 1847. Tells her family’s experiences in finding a place to live, getting a job and prejudice. Also has positive aspects the family found in America such as educational opportunities and freedom.
Crane, Stephen. Maggie: A Girl of the Streets. New York: Fawcett Publications, Inc., 1960.
The story of a young Irish girl who lived in the urban slums at the turn of the century. Shows poverty and loneliness she experienced.
Judson, Clara Ingram. Michael’s Victory. New York: Houghton, 1946.
The story of an Irish boy in the 1850s, whose family came to Ohio. It tells about his adventures while he was working on the railroads.
McNab, Ann. “Philadelphia Greenhorn” in Cavanah, Frances, Editor. We Came to America. Philadelphia: Macrae Smith Company, 1954.
The first-hand account of a young Irish woman who came to America in the 1860s. She tells of the Potato Famine, her journey to the United States and her work as a cook in a literary woman’s home.
Shapiro, Mary J. Gateway to Liberty. New York: Random House, 1986.
Tells about construction of the Statue of Liberty. Also describes immigrants’ crossing to New York and conditions on ships. Many good photographs.
Watts, J. F. Irish Americans. New York: Chelsea House Publishers, 1988.
Discusses Irish immigration and describes living conditions. Also section on famous Irish-Americans. Many photographs and drawings.
THE IRISH IN AMERICA
By John Francis Maguire, 1868
CHAPTER XI.
Evil of remaining in the great Cities--Why the City attracts the new Comer--Consequence of Overcrowding--The Tenement Houses of New York--Important Official Reports--Glimpses of the Reality--An inviting Picture--Misery and Slavery combined--Inducements to Intemperance--Massacre of the Innocents--In the wrong Place--Town and Country
IRELAND, whence a great tide of human life has been pouring across the Atlantic for more than half a century, is rightly described as 'an agricultural country;' by which is meant that the far larger portion of its population are devoted to the cultivation of the soil. In no country have the peasantry exhibited a stronger or more passionate attachment to the land than in that country from which such myriads have gone and are still going forth. And yet the strange fact, indeed the serious evil, is, that, notwithstanding the vast majority of those who emigrate from Ireland to America have been exclusively engaged in the cultivation of the soil--as farmers, farm-servants, or outdoor labourers--so many of this class remain in cities and towns, for which they are not best suited; rather than go to the country, for which they are specially suited, and where they would be certain to secure for themselves and their families, not merely a home, but comfort and independence. I deliberately assert that it is not within the power of language to describe adequately, much less exaggerate, the evil consequences of this unhappy tendency of the Irish to congregate in the large towns of America. But why they have hitherto done so may be accounted for without much difficulty.
Irish emigrants of the peasant and labouring class were generally poor, and after defraying their first expenses on landing had little left to enable them to push their way into the country in search of such employment as was best suited to their knowledge and capacity; though had they known what was in store for too many of them and their children, they would have endured the severest privation and braved any hardship, in order to free themselves from the fatal spell in which the fascination of a city life has meshed the souls of so many of their race. Either they brought little money with them, and were therefore unable to go on; or that little was plundered from them by those whose trade it was to prey upon the inexperience or credulity of the new-comer. Therefore, to them, the poor or the plundered Irish emigrants, the first and pressing necessity was employment; and so splendid seemed the result of that employment, even the rudest and most laborious kind, as compared with what they were able to earn in the old country, that it at once predisposed them in favour of a city life.
The glittering silver dollar, how bright it looked, and how heavy it weighed, when contrasted with the miserable sixpence, the scanty 'tenpenny-bit,' or the occasional shilling, at home! Then there were old friends and former companions or acquaintances to be met with at every street-corner; and there was news to give, and news to receive--too often, perhaps, in the liquor-store or dram-shop kept by a countryman--probably 'a neighbour's child,' or 'a decent boy from the next ploughland.' Then 'the chapel was handy,' and 'a Christian wouldn't be overtaken for want of a priest;' then there was 'the schooling convenient for the children, poor things,'--so the glorious chance was lost; and the simple, innocent countryman, to whom the trees of the virgin forest were nodding their branches in friendly invitation, and the blooming prairie expanded its fruitful bosom in vain, became the denizen of a city, for which he was unqualified by training, by habit, and by association. Possibly it was the mother's courage that failed her as she glanced at the flock of little ones who clustered around her, or timidly clung to her skirts, and she thought of the new dangers and further perils that awaited them; and it was her maternal influence that was flung into the trembling balance against the country and in favour of the city. Or employment was readily found for one of the girls, or one or two of the boys, and things looked so hopeful in the fine place that all thoughts of the fresh, breezy, healthful plain or hill-side were shut out at that supreme moment of the emigrant's destiny; though many a time after did he and they long for one breath of pure air, as they languished in the stifling heat of summer in a tenement house. Or the pioneer of the family--most likely a young girl--had found good employment, and, with the fruits of her honest toil, had gradually brought out brothers and sisters, father and mother, for whose companionship her heart ever yearned; and possibly her affection, was stronger than her prudence, or she knew nothing of the West and its limitless resources. Or sickness, that had followed the emigrant's family across the ocean, fastened upon some member of the group as they touched the soil for which they had so ardently prayed; and though the fever or the cholera did not destroy a precious life, it did the almost as precious opportunity of a better future: the spring of that energy which was sufficient to break asunder the ties and habits of previous years --sufficient for flight from home and country--was broken; and those who faced America in high hope were thenceforth added to the teeming population of a city--to which class it might be painful to speculate.
It is easy enough to explain why and how those who should not have remained in the great cities did so; but it is not so easy to depict the evils which have flowed, which daily flow, which, unhappily for the race, must continue to flow from the pernicious tendency of the Irish peasant to adopt a mode of livelihood for which he is not suited by previous knowledge or training, and to place himself in a position dangerous to his morals, if not fatal to his independence. These evils may be indicated, though they cannot be adequately described.
This headlong rushing into the great cities has the necessary effect of unduly adding to their population, thereby overtaxing their resources, however large or even extraordinary these resources may be, and of rudely disturbing the balance of supply and demand. The hands--the men, women, and children--thus become too many for the work to be done, as the work becomes too little for the hands willing and able to do it. What is worse, there are too many mouths for the bread of independence; and thus the bread of charity has to supplement the bread which is purchased with the sweat of the brow. Happy would it be for the poor in the towns of America, as elsewhere, if the bread of charity were the only bread with which the bread of independence is supplemented. But there is also the bread of degradation, and the bread of crime. And when the moral principle is blunted by abject misery, or weakened by disappointments and privation, there is but a narrow barrier between poverty and crime; and this, too frequently, is soon passed. For such labour as is thus recklessly poured into the great towns there is constant peril.
It is true there are seasons when there is a glut of work, when the demand exceeds the supply--when some gigantic industry or some sudden necessity clamours for additional hands; but there are also, and more frequently, seasons when work is slack, seasons of little employment, seasons of utter paralysis and stagnation. Cities are liable to occasional depressions of trade, resulting from over production, or the successful rivalry of foreign nations, or even portions of the same country; or there are smashings of banks, and commercial panics, and periods of general mistrust. Or, owing to the intense severity of certain seasons, there is a total cessation of employments of particular kinds, by which vast numbers of people are flung idle on the streets. If at once employed and provident, the condition of the working population in the towns is happy enough; but if there be no providence while there is employment, one may imagine how it fares with the family who are destitute alike of employment and the will or capacity for husbanding its fruits. It is hard enough for the honest thrifty working man to hold his own in the great towns of America, for rents are high, and living is dear, and the cost of clothes and other necessaries is enormous; but when the work fails, or stops, terrible indeed is his position. Then does the Irish peasant realise the fatal blunder he has made, in having chosen the town, with all its risks, and dangers, and sad uncertainties, instead of having gone into the country, 110 matter where, and adopted the industry for which he was best suited. Possibly, the fault was not his, of having selected the wrong place for his great venture in life; but whether his adoption of the town in preference to the country were voluntary or the result of circumstance, the evil is done, and he and his family must reap the consequences, whatever these may be.
The evil of overcrowding is magnified to a prodigious extent in New York, which, being the port of arrival--the Gate of the New World--receives a certain addition to its population from almost every ship-load of emigrants that passes through Castle Garden. There is scarcely any city in the world possessing greater resources than New York, but these resources have long since been strained to the very uttermost to meet the yearly increasing demands created by this continuous accession to its inhabitants; and if there be not some check put to this undue increase of the population, for which even the available space is altogether inadequate, it is difficult to think what the consequences must be. Every succeeding year tends to aggravate the existing evils, which, while rendering the necessity for a remedy more urgent, also render its nature and its application more difficult.
As in all cities growing in wealth and in population, the dwelling accommodation of the poor is yearly sacrificed to the increasing necessities or luxury of the rich. While spacious streets and grand mansions are on the increase, the portions of the city in which the working classes once found an economical residence are being steadily encroached upon--just as the artisan and labouring population of the City of London are driven from their homes by the inexorable march of city improvements, and streets and courts and alleys are swallowed up by a great thoroughfare or a gigantic railway terminus. There is some resource in London, as the working class may move to some portion of the vast Metropolitan district, though not without serious inconvenience; but unless the fast increasing multitudes that seem determined to settle in New York adopt the Chinese mode of supplementing the space on shore by habitation in boat and raft on water, they must be content to dwell in unwholesome and noisome cellars, or crowd in the small and costly rooms into which the tenement houses are divided.
As stated on official authority, there are 16,000 tenement houses in New York, and in these there dwell more than half a million of people! This astounding fact is of itself so suggestive of misery and evil that it scarcely requires to be enlarged upon; but some details will best exhibit the mischievous consequences of overcrowding--not by the class who, at home in Ireland, have lived in cities, and been accustomed to city-life and city pursuits, but by a class the majority of whom rarely if ever entered a city in the old country until they were on their way to the port of embarkation--by those whose right place in America is the country, and whose natural pursuit is the cultivation of the land. Let the reader glance at the tenement houses--those houses and `cellars' in which the working masses of New York swarm--those delightful abodes for which so many of the hardy peasantry of Ireland madly surrender the roomy log-cabin of the clearing, and the frame house of a few years after, together with almost certain independence and prosperity. I have entered several of these tenement houses, in company with one to whom their inmates were well known; I have spoken to the tenants of the different flats, and have minutely examined everything that could enlighten me as to their real condition; but I deem it well to rely rather on official statements, which are based on the most accurate knowledge, and are above the suspicion of exaggeration.
The Commissioners of the Metropolitan Board of Health, in their Report for 1866, say:--
The first, and at all times the most prolific cause of disease, was found to be the insalubrious condition of most of the tenement houses in the cities of New York and Brooklyn. These houses are generally built without any reference to the health or comfort of the occupant, but simply with a view to economy and profit to the owner. The provision for ventilation and light is very insufficient, and the arrangement of water-closets or privies could hardly be worse if actually intended to produce disease. These houses were almost invariably crowded, and ill-ventilated to such a degree as to render the air within them continually impure and offensive. . . . The basements were often entirely below ground, the ceiling being a foot or two below the level of the street, and was necessarily far more damp, dark, and ill-ventilated than the remainder of the house. The cellars, when unoccupied, were frequently flooded to the depth of several inches with stagnant water, and were made the receptacles of garbage and refuse matter of every description. ... In many cases, the cellars were constantly occupied, and sometimes used as lodging-houses, where there was no ventilation save by the entrance, and in which the occupants were entirely dependent upon artificial light by day as well as by night. Such was the character of a vast number of the tenement houses in the lower parts of the city of New York, and along its eastern and western borders. Disease, especially in the form of fevers of a typhoid character, was constantly present in these dwellings, and every now and then became in more than one of them epidemic. It was found that in one of these twenty cases of typhus had occurred during the previous year.
The poor Irishman in New York is not without experiencing the tender mercies of 'middlemen,' to whom in many instances the tenement houses are leased. These middlemen are generally irresponsible parties, with no interest in the property except its immediate profits, and who destroyed the original ventilation, such as it was, by the simple process of dividing the rooms into smaller ones, and by crowding three or four families into a space originally intended for a single family.
In 1864, the Citizens' Association of New York was organised, its main object being the promotion of Sanitary Reform. It has already effected much service through the information it has afforded in its valuable publications, which exhibit in a striking manner the enormous evil of overcrowding, and its consequences to the morals and health of the community. Associated with this organisation are many eminent physicians, who constitute the Council of Hygiene, whose report forms one of the most important features of the volume. Having divided the city into districts for the purpose of inspection, the Council appointed competent medical officers for that task; and from the detailed reports of these inspectors an accurate notion may be obtained of the sanitary condition of each district.
That the overcrowding of New York is far in excess of all other cities may be shown by a comparison of that city with London. In the English metropolis, the highest rate of population to the square mile is in East London, where, according to the report of a recent Royal Commission, it reached as high as 175,816. Whereas in certain portions of the Fourth Ward of New York, the tenant-house population were in 1864 'packed at the rate of about 290,000 inhabitants to the square mile.' Nor is it at all probable that things have come to the worst in this respect. The Council of Hygiene, in their Report, take rather a desponding view of the future. Not only has New York already become one of the most populous and densely crowded cities in the world, 'but it is plainly its destiny to become at once the most populous and the most overcrowded of the great maritime cities.' The evils, therefore, which now imperil health and morals in consequence of overcrowding, will increase with the increase of the population.
That there are several tenement houses constructed with a due regard for their intended object--the comfort and accommodation of their inmates--is true; but such houses are rather the exception than the rule, and the rent demanded for cleanly and commodious apartments in a tenement provided with the requisite appliances, places them beyond the means of the mass of the working population. It is not with houses of this class, but of the kind which are occupied by the poorer portion of the community, including of necessity those who have made the fatal mistake of stopping in New York, instead of pushing on to the country and occupying the land, that I propose to deal. A few extracts, taken at random from some of the Reports, will place the reader sufficiently in possession of the evils of overcrowding, and the perils, alike to soul and body, of the tenement system, which is now, though late, arousing the alarmed attention of statesmen and philanthropists.
Dr. Monnell, to whom the inspection of the 'First Sanitary District' was entrusted, states that the inhabitants of this district, which comprises part of the First and the whole of the Third Ward, are largely of foreign birth--about one-half Irish, one-quarter Germans, and the remainder Americans, Swedes, Danes, &c. Two-thirds of the resident population consist of labourers and mechanics with their families. The general characteristics are, 'a medium grade of intelligence and a commendable amount of industry, intermixed largely with ignorance, depravity, pauperism, and dissipation of the most abandoned character.' As an illustration of the evil of overcrowding, and the perilous characteristics of a large class of the floating population--consisting in this district of `travellers, emigrants, sailors, and vagabonds without a habitation and almost without a name'--that mingle with the more permanent residents of this lower district of the city, Dr. Monnell thus makes the reader acquainted with a certain squalid old tenant house in Washington Street:--
Passing from apartment to apartment, until we reached the upper garret, we found every place crowded with occupants, one room, only 5 ½ by 9 feet, and a low ceiling, containing two adults and a daughter of twelve years, and the father working as a shoemaker in the room, while in the upper garret were found a couple of dark rooms kept by haggard crones, who nightly supplied lodgings to twenty or thirty vagabonds and homeless persons. This wretched hiding-place of men, women, and girls, who in such places become daily more vicious and more wretched, had long been a hot-bed of typhus, seven of the lodgers having been sent to the fever hospital, while permanent residents on the lower floors had become infected with the same malady and died.
In the construction of many modern tenant houses, it would appear, the Inspector states, 'that hygienic laws and sanitary requirements have been estimated as of only secondary importance, the great problem being how to domicile the greatest number of families on a given area. And in the practical solution of that problem, in this district, lies the great overshadowing cause of insalubrity, before which all others combined sink into insignificance. The most marked feature of the tenant houses is the small size of their apartments, whereby ensues overcrowding in each family.' Having described a group of tenement houses, which are represented by the aid of photography, and designated as `a perpetual fever nest,' the Report thus proceeds:--
And in addition, the street throughout this whole neighbourhood presents habitually the vilest condition of tilth, and reeks with most offensive odours. Typhus fever and measles were very prevalent here in the early part of the summer. In my weekly reports of 'pestilential diseases and insalubrious quarters,' I have had frequent occasion to describe the condition of families and disease in the premises that are here photographed. The beautiful work of the artist renders unnecessary any further description of these squalid and pestiferous tenements, and their noisome fronting of dilapidated and overflowing privies, and a dismal, narrow, flooded court. That eruptive fevers, typhus, and physical decay may always be seen here is certainly not surprising.
The worst effects upon the inmates of the poorest class of tenant houses are exhibited not so much in the more acute form of disease, as 'in the pale and sickly countenance of their occupants, with lax fibre and general absence of robust health; we see it also in the pining and wasting of infants, and in the general prevalence of strumous, ophthalmic, and eruptive disorders. All these appearances indicate unmistakably the want of those great indispensible necessities of health--pure air and light.'
Let us follow Dr. Pulling, the 'Inspector of the Fourth Sanitary District' in his visits of inspection, and, without straining probability, assume that the miserable picture so graphically drawn is that of an Irish family, the victims of the one great and fatal mistake of the husband and the father--that of having remained in New York, instead of carrying his strength and his industry to the place where they were most required, and were sure to be appreciated:
Through a narrow alley we enter a small courtyard which the lofty buildings in front keep in almost perpetual shade. Entering it from the street on a sunny day, the atmosphere seems like that of a well. The yard is filled with recently-washed clothing suspended to dry. In the centre of this space are the closets used by the population of both front and rear houses. Their presence is quite as perceptible to the smell as to the sight.
Making our way through this enclosure, and descending four or five steps, we find ourselves in the basement of the rear-building. We enter a room whose ceiling is blackened with smoke, and its walls discoloured with damp. In front, opening on a narrow area covered with green mould, two small windows, their tops scarcely level with the courtyard, afford at noonday a twilight illumination to the apartment. Through their broken frames they admit a damp air laden with effluvia which constitute the vital atmosphere imbibed by all who are immured in this dismal abode.
A door at the back of this room communicates with another which is entirely dark, and has but one opening. Both rooms together have an area of about 18 feet square, and these apartments are the home of six persons. The father of the family, a day labourer, is absent; the mother, a wrinkled crone at thirty, sits rocking in her arms an infant, whose pasty and pallid features tell that decay and death are usurping the place of health and life. Two older children are in the street, which is their only playground, and the only place where they can go to breathe an atmosphere that is even comparatively pure. A fourth child, emaciated to a skeleton, and with that ghastly and unearthly look which marasmus impresses on its victims, has reared its feeble frame on a rickety chair against the window sill, and is striving to get a glimpse at the smiling heavens whose light is so seldom permitted to gladden its longing eyes. Its youth has battled nobly against the terribly morbid and devitalizing agents which have depressed its childish life--the poisonous air, the darkness, and the damp; but the battle is nearly over--it is easy to decide where the victory will be.
The cellar tenements of this district are fearful abodes for human beings. They were occupied, in 1864, by 1,400 persons, and their floors ranged from ten to thirty feet below high-water mark! 'In the sub-tidal basements nineteen families, or 110 persons, live beneath the level of the sea.' `In very many cases the vaults of privies are situated on the same or a higher level, and their contents frequently ooze through walls into the occupied apartments beside them. Fully one-fourth of these subterranean domiciles are pervaded by a most offensive odour from this source, and rendered exceedingly unwholesome as human habitations. These are the places in which we most frequently meet with typhoid fever and dysentery during the summer months.'
Matters are not much better in 'the Sixth Inspection District,' where the tenement population is about 23,000.
In some of the cellars and basements water trickled down the walls, the source of which was traced to the foulest soakage. One cannot be surprised to learn that the noxious effluvia always present in these basements are of a sickening character. Many of these cellars are occupied by two or three families; a number are also occupied as lodging-houses, accommodating from twenty to thirty lodgers! What an abode for those who, leaving home and country, crossed the ocean in the hope of bettering their condition!
The Inspector of the Eleventh District, Dr. Brown, states that nearly one-fifth of all the tenements are rear buildings, some of them of the lowest grade. They are generally contracted in size, shut out from the sunlight, and commonly are obstructions to light and ventilation in the front buildings. The interval between the front and rear house is frequently so small and sometimes so completely enclosed on all sides by the adjacent houses `as to constitute a mere well-hole.' Referring to certain houses in Hammond and Washington Streets, the Inspector describes their inhabited cellars, the ceilings of which are below the level of the street, `inaccessible to the rays of the sun, and always damp and dismal. Three of them are flooded at every rain, and require to be baled out. They are let at a somewhat smaller rent than is asked for apartments on the upper floor, and are rented by those to whom poverty leaves no choice. They are rarely vacant.'
Under the heading 'Rents,' we find the Inspector of the Fourth Sanitary District stating that `in regular tenant houses the rent of each domicile (generally consisting of two rooms--a "living room" and a bedroom) at present averages $9 per month, or $108 the year.' The cellar is, we are informed, 'let at a somewhat lower rate' than the average mentioned.
From the Report of Dr. Furman, the Inspector of the Seventeenth Sanitary District, the following passage is extracted:--
Most of the larger tenant houses are in a state of muckiness, and as a rule, overcrowded, without ventilation or light. These are offensive enough (and incapable to preserve a normal standard of health); but the crowded rear tenant houses, completely cut off from ventilation and perhaps light, are still worse. They abound in dark, damp, and noisome basements and cellars, converted into sleeping apartments. In these the invigorating and health-preserving sunlight and fresh air are never accessible.
An illustration is given of one of these habitations, the `living rooms' of which are nearly dark, and the dormitories' dark and damp.' The Report thus continues:--
Here we have low, damp, dark, and unventilated bed-rooms, whose inmates respire a murky air, and consort with snails, spiders, and muckworms. These underground habitations are most pernicious in laying the foundation for and developing strumous ophthalmia, hip-joint, and certain diseases of the spine, diseases of the respiratory organs (the chief of which is consumption), rheumatism, which in turn produces organic disease of the heart.
The picture would not be perfect without the following:--
They--the houses--are in many instances owned by large capitalists by whom they are farmed out to a class of factors, who make this their especial business. These men pay to the owner of the property a sum which is considered a fair return on the capital invested, and rely for their profits (which are often enormous) on the additional amount which they can extort from the wretched tenants whose homes frequently become untenantable for want of repairs, which the 'agent' deems it his interest to withhold. These men contrive to absorb most of the scanty surplus which remains to the tenants after paying for their miserable food, shelter, and raiment. They are, in many instances, proprietors of low groceries, liquor stores, and 'policy shops' connected with such premises, -- the same individual often being the actual owner of a large number. Many of the wretched population are held by these men in a state of abject dependence and vassalage little short of actual slavery.
And this is in the greatest city of the Great Republic of the New World! The poor Irishman who leaves his own country to escape from the tyranny of the most grinding landlord, and becomes the slavish vassal of one of these blood-suckers, makes but a poor exchange. The `improvement in his condition might be fittingly indicated by the homely adage,--'from the frying-pan into the fire.' The rudest hut in the midst of a forest, the loneliest cabin on the prairie, would be a palace to one of these abodes. Health, energy, independence, self-respect--the hopeful family growing up as strong as young lions, and fleet as antelopes--plenty for all, and a hearty welcome for the stranger and the wayfarer,--this is the country. What a contrast is it to the squalor, the debasement, and the slavery of the town--as described by a competent authority!
How intemperance, the author of so many ills to mankind, and in a special degree to those who live by their labour, has its origin in these abodes of misery, to which the working population are condemned through poverty and the want of cheap and healthful homes, is thus accounted for by the Commissioners of Health:--
This we know from observation, and from the testimony of dispensary physicians and other visitors among the poor, that the crowded, dark, and unventilated homes of the classes from which pauperism springs are driven to habits of tippling by the combined influences of the vital depression and demoralising surroundings of their unhealthy habitations. Pertinent was the reply of a drunken mother, in a dismal rear-court, to a sanitary officer, who asked her why she drank: `If you lived in this place, you would ask for whisky instead of milk.'
Dr. Burrall, Inspector for the Twelfth District, touches in his Report on the same point:--
It may be that the depressing causes existing in such a neighbourhood prompt to the use of some `oblivious antidote,' by which for a time the rough edges of life may be smoothed over. It may be, too, that these stimulants excite a certain degree of prophylactic influence, but the quality of liquor obtained in such places is injurious to the digestive organs, the brain becomes unduly excited, and quarrelling or even murder results.
Dr. Field, Inspector for the Eighteenth District, enters fully into the demoralising influences and results produced by the low class of tenements on those who inhabit them:--
Moreover, it is an accepted fact that to live for a long time deprived of pure air and sunlight will not only depress a man physically and mentally, but will actually demoralise him. The atmosphere is precisely adapted, through its properties and constituents, to the wants of the beings designed to breathe it.
A man gradually loses ambition and hope; concern for the welfare of his family, by slow degrees, loses its hold upon him. Loss of physical vigour attends this corresponding condition of the mind, until at length lassitude and depression of spirits and constant ennui get such control over him that no power or effort of the will can shake them off. With this decline of energy and vigour, both of mind and body, is set up an instinctive yearning for something which will give a temporary respite to the dragging weariness of life. Hence we find the children even, who are brought up without the stimulating influence of pure air and sunlight, will learn to cry for tea and coffee before they learn to talk; and they will refuse the draught unless it be strong. One would hardly credit, unless he has visited considerably among the tenant-house population, how general this habit is among the youngest children. As they grow older, they acquire the appetite of their parents for alcoholic stimulants: and we need not go further to account for any extreme of immorality and want.
Nor are abundant opportunities wanting for the indulgence of this fatal passion. Of the twenty-nine Inspectors who report on the sanitary condition of New York, there is not one who does not deplore the existence of the lowest class of 'groggeries' in the midst of the very poorest district. One statement as to this fact will suffice. Dr. Oscar G. Smith, reporting on the Ninth District, says--`The number of dram-shops to be met in those localities where a tenant-house class reside, is surprising.' Dr. Edward W. Derby, in his Report on the Fourteenth District, gives a painful picture of the prevalence of this unhappy vice:--
The low groggeries and groceries, in all of which liquors are sold, are constantly thronged, I am sorry, to say, with members of both sexes, youth and old age vieing with each other as to their capabilities of drinking, enriching the proprietors of these places, spending their last penny in gratifying their morbidly-debased appetite, rather than purchasing the necessaries of life for their families, and then issuing forth or being thrust out upon the streets in various stages of intoxication, half crazed with the vile and poisonous liquor they have swallowed, fit subjects for the committing of the many crimes which are daily chronicled in our papers. Such are the places which stare you in the face at every step, a disgrace to the city, and a prolific source of corruption to the morals of the surrounding inhabitants.
`Poison,' `vile poison,' `noxious and deleterious compounds,' are the terms generally applied to the description of liquor for which so many sacrifice their means, their health, and the happiness of their families.
With such a state of things--affecting at least a very large portion of the tenement population of New York--it cannot be a matter of surprise that the destruction of infant life in that city is something prodigious. The total number of deaths `in the first year of life,' for the nine months ending the 30th of September, 1866, was 6,258! This is a Massacre of the Innocents with a vengeance. The Commissioners of the Board of Health remark:--
The rate of mortality in children under five years of age in New York is greater than in any city with which this Board has correspondence, and the cause of this excess will best be sought in the miserable housing and habits of the labouring classes, and in the multiplied sources of foul air in our two cities. . . . From various data now in hand, the conclusion is warranted, that death has in each of the past two years taken nearly one-third of the total number before the first birthday.
Dr. Derby takes rather a philosophical view of this tremendous death rate, and is inclined to regard it as a providential counterpoise to the fecundity of the poor, which, he states, has long been a matter of remark. He adds:--
The number of diseases which menace and destroy infantile existence seems almost a providential interference to prevent an excess of population over and above that which the means of the parents could possibly support. Nor, when we reflect upon the condition in which these unfortunate children are found to exist, and the many circumstances, moral and hygienic, by which they are surrounded, do we wonder less at the amount of sickness and mortality among them, than that it is not greater; less that they die than they survive.
Dr. Monnell thus concludes his remarks on the destruction of life caused by the miserable dwellings of his district: --
In the deadly atmosphere of some low basement, or close unventilated bedroom, or in the wretched squalor of some dilapidated garret, those little ones so numerously born amongst this class first draw their breath, and in an atmosphere surcharged with poison they battle for life; but in the unequal strife very few survive, and thus are yearly sacrificed whole hecatombs of living souls. They fall victims not of necessity, nor of the decrees of inevitable Fate, but of ignorance and avarice, and are lost to parents and friends, to society, and to usefulness in the world.
These poor immature blossoms, that perish so miserably in the foul air of an overcrowded city, how they would have thriven in the pure atmosphere of the country! where the young cheek, `pasty and pallid' in damp and dismal cellar, or the fusty sleeping-hole of the tenement house, would bloom with health, and the eye, so dull and languid in the haunts of misery or vice, would sparkle into life and hope! In the country, throughout America, children are, next to his own industry and health, the best capital of the parent. What they are under the circumstances described in the passages just quoted the reader may easily imagine.
My own previously formed convictions, which for years had been strong in favour of the Irish selecting the right place for their special industry, were, if possible, confirmed by a visit to tenement houses of different classes. I remember one in particular, occupied principally by Irish. It presented none of the revolting features common to the dens already described. There was no squalor, no dilapidation; the place appeared to be in fair order. But the tenants were not the class of people who should have remained in New York. In Ireland they belonged to the rural population; and when I lifted the latch and entered an apartment, it was just as if I had walked some miles into the country at home, and entered the cabin of the labourer, or the cottage of the farmer; for in the accent and manner of the inmates there was no difference whatever. They were all racy of the soil. You could not visit any house inhabited by a number of Irish in which instances of the beautiful charity by which the race are distinguished would not be displayed. Here, for instance, was a great strong fellow, not long from the old country, and not able to get work, listlessly leaning against the door-post of a lower apartment, the tenants of which had given `the poor boy' a hearty welcome, and a 'shake-down,' and `a bit and sup;' though they themselves had a hard struggle to keep want from their humble hearth. There was in another room a mother, with her own young brood, yet who found a corner in her woman's heart for the orphan child of a neighbour that died some months before.
In one of the upper 'domiciles' there were then six persons, a mother, four young children, and a female relative, who was engaged in washing. The husband, the seventh inmate, a labouring man, was out at work. The principal apartment measured about 9 feet by 12; the dimensions of the other, the bedroom, allowing little more than the space occupied by a fair-sized four-post bedstead. A stove, necessary for the season, occupied no small portion of the chief apartment. There was no actual want of essential articles of furniture, such as a table and chairs , and the walls were not without one or two pious and patriotic pictures, Catholic and Irish. The children were tolerably clean, but pale and sickly; and a poor little fellow, of wonderfully bright countenance, hopped about on one leg, from an injury which, owing to neglect, was likely to cripple him for life. For this house accommodation, for this confined space, in which seven human beings were pent up for so many hours together, there was paid $7 a month, or $84 a year. Work or no work--and it was not unfrequently the latter--this rent should of necessity be met. In English money, even at the present rate of 3s. 3d. the dollar in 'greenbacks,' a year's rent would come to 13l. 13s.; as much as would enable the tenant of these apartments to purchase the fee-simple of more than 50 acres of good land in a Western State.
The mother of the children was quiet, well-mannered, and respectable in appearance; and though the freshness had long since faded from her face, she retained the traces of a kind of grave and pensive beauty. She was the daughter of a decent farmer in West Carbery, county Cork, and her husband, now a day labourer in New York, had also held some land in the same locality. They had come to America 'to better themselves,'--'to be more independent than they were at home;' and here they were, stuffed into a little room in a tenement house, with four young helpless children depending on them for support, their only means consisting of the earnings of the father of the family--about $9 a week; out of which everything had to be provided, and at prices so excessive as to leave but a small balance en the Saturday night. A month's idleness, or a fortnight's sickness, and what misery! Necessaries to be had on credit, at a rate equal to the vendor's supposed risk; and to be paid for on a future day. in addition to the never-ceasing outlay for the daily wants of a young and growing family. Here then were intelligence, practical knowledge, special aptitude for a country life, madly flung away; and the all but certainty of a grand future, that is, a future of comfort and independence, sacrificed for the precarious employment of a day-labourer in New York . A few years of hopeful toil, not more trying, but less trying to the constitution, than that which he went through every clay, would have enabled the tenant of that stuffy apartment in a desperately overcrowded city to provide his wife and children with a happy, healthful, prosperous home, which would have been theirs for ever, and from which neither factor, nor agent, nor groggery owner could have driven them. But, alas for them and for him! the ready employment and its apparently large reward, and the attractions of a city, were more than a match for his good sense; and now, like so many of his countrymen, he is as thoroughly out of his legitimate sphere as man can possibly be. I regretted I could not see the husband; but I did, as a matter of conscientious duty, endeavour to make the wife and mother comprehend the magnitude of the mistake which had been made, and urged her to counsel him to free himself at the first opportunity from a position for which he was not suited, and which was not suited for him.
I saw much in other tenement houses--whether houses specially built for the purpose, or houses adapted to that purpose--to justify the accuracy of the descriptions given in the Reports from which I have quoted; but though I witnessed much misery and squalor, and in a few instances glanced into places scarcely fit for the shelter of animals, I must confess to have been more impressed by the sad blunder of these young people--who would have made such splendid settlers in some fertile region, whether of Canada or the States--than with all I saw or heard during the day.
Even where there is sobriety, industry, good conduct, constant employment, the city is not the place for the man bred in the country, and acquainted from his boyhood only with country pursuits, whether as farmer or farm labourer. The country wants him, clamours for him, welcomes him, bids him prosper, and offers him the means of doing so. But suppose there is not industry, sobriety, good conduct, or constant employment, is it necessary to depict the consequences? The once simple peasant is soon smirched by the foulness of such city corruption as too frequently surrounds him or lies in his daily path; and the dram shop, so ruinously convenient to the dwellings of the toiling poor, finds him one of its best customers. If his children escape the perils of infancy, and grow up about him, what is their training, what their career, what their fate? Possibly they are saved, through some merciful interposition; perhaps by the tears and prayers of a good mother, perhaps by the example of a sister who has caught the mother's spirit. Possibly they grow up in industry and virtue, but the odds are fearfully against them; and it is not at all improbable that the quick-witted offspring of the father, who become intemperate and demoralised, fall into the class known as the Arabs of the Street, those victims of parental neglect or unprovided orphanage, that, as they arrive at manhood, mature into a still more dangerous class--the roughs and rowdies of the city, who are ready for every kind of mischief, and to whom excitement, no matter at whatever expense it may be purchased, becomes the first necessity of their existence.
Let it not be supposed that, in my earnest desire to direct the practical attention of my countrymen, at both sides of the Atlantic, to an evil of universally admitted magnitude, I desire to exaggerate in the least. From the very nature of things, the great cities of America--and in a special degree New York--must be the refuge of the unfortunate, the home of the helpless, the hiding-place of the broken-down, even of the criminal: and these, while crowding the dwelling-places of the poor, and straining the resources and preying on the charity of their communities, multiply their existing evils, and add to their vices. Still, in spite of the dangers and temptations by which they are perpetually surrounded--dangers and temptations springing even from the very freedom of Republican institutions no less than from the generous social habits of the American people--there are thousands, hundreds of thousands, of Irish-born citizens of the United States, residing in New York and in the other great cities of the Union, who are in every respect the equals of the best of American population--honourable and upright in their dealings; industrious, energetic, and enterprising in business; intelligent and quick of capacity; progressive and go-ahead; and as loyally devoted to the institutions of their adopted country as if they had been bom under its flag. Nevertheless, I repeat the assertion, justified by innumerable authorities -- authorities beyond the faintest shadow of suspicion--that the city is not the right place for the Irish peasant, and that it is the worst place which he could select as his home.
The Irish peasant, who quits his native country for England or Scotland, may be excused for hiding himself in any of its great towns, manufacturing or commercial, inland or seaport; for not only may he find employment for himself, and have some chance for his young people in them, but there is no opportunity of his much bettering his condition by going into the county. But there is no excuse whatever for his remaining in the cities of America, crowding and blocking them up, when there are at this hour as many opportunities for his getting on in the country--that is, making a home and independence for himself and his children--as there were for the millions of all nationalities who went before him, and who now constitute the strength and glory of the Republic. The Irish peasant who goes to England or Scotland has little chance of being accepted even as the tenant of a farm in either of those countries--a remote one, indeed, of ever becoming a proprietor of English or Scottish soil; but the most miserable cottier of Connemara or the worst-paid day-labourer of Cork or Tipperary, who has the good sense to push on from the American seaboard towards those vast regions of virgin land that woo the hardy vigour of the pioneer, may in the course of a few years possess hundreds of acres of real estate by a more glorious title than has been too often acquired in the old countries of Europe, his own included--by the right of patient industry, blessed toil, and sanctifying privation.